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Do illegal immigrants take jobs from American workers?

Yes, illegal immigrant workers have taken millions of jobs from
American workers.

If illegal immigrant workers had been kept out of our country, the
employers would have had to pay higher wages to attract American

The American workers are unable to work for the low wages that many
illegal immigrants are willing to work for.

Some Illegal immigrant workers may live 10 or more adults in a single
residence or apartment. Many do not have insurance on their cars.

Many illegal immigrant workers do not have health insurance. But
they can go to the emergency room of a hospital, and most hospitals
must supply emergency medical care to any patient.

And the health care may essentially end up costing the illegal workers
nothing. Since most illegal immigrant workers have no or very few
assets, it is not cost-efficient for the hospital to spend much time and
money trying to collect payment.

This is assuming that the illegal immigrant workers even give the
hospital a correct name and address.

Not only have illegal immigrants taken jobs from American workers, but
illegal workers have driven down the wages for many other jobs.

This is because the millions of American workers who lost jobs to
illegal immigrant workers still need jobs. This competition puts
tremendous downward pressure on wages for the jobs that are left.

The more workers competing for a job will often cause the wages for a
job to go down. It is the basic economic law of supply and demand.

The opposite is also true. If no one is applying for a job, the employer
will have to offer higher wages to attract potential employees.

So illegal immigrant workers have taken jobs away from American
workers and driven down the wages for many of those jobs that


Millions of Americans would not be unemployed if the Obama administration would eliminate the influx of illegals, send back the ones not making an attempt to do it right, protect the borders and have the first priority for legal Americans, not consider giving amnesty to 11 million illegals who surely are considered Democrat voters in the obvious is Obama's and Holders little plan...How can people that have been entrusted to run this country be so blatantly stupid. Do they honestly think people don't see through this, just think what 11 million less leaches on the economy would save this country and how many jobs would open up to lesson the need to draw unemployment, which is paid by employers not the government. Votes-votes-votes the democratic mind frame, damn the countries best interests.


Why Has President Obama Deported More Immigrants Than Any President in US History?
Since 9/11, immigration has become increasingly tangled with criminal enforcement and national security.

Alejandra Marchevsky and Beth Baker March 31, 2014



Steven A. Camarota is the Director of Research and Karen Jensenius is a demographer at the Center for Immigration Studies.

Welfare Topic Page Current Numbers Topic Page Current Numbers Topic Page
This analysis tests the often-made argument that immigrants only do jobs Americans don’t want. If the argument is correct, there should be occupations comprised entirely or almost entirely of immigrants. But Census Bureau data collected from 2005 to 2007, which allow for very detailed analysis, show that even before the recession there were only a tiny number of majority-immigrant occupations. (Click here to see detailed table.)

Among the findings:

Of the 465 civilian occupations, only four are majority immigrant. These four occupations account for less than 1 percent of the total U.S. workforce. Moreover, native-born Americans comprise 47 percent of workers in these occupations.

Many jobs often thought to be overwhelmingly immigrant are in fact majority native-born:
Maids and housekeepers: 55 percent native-born
Taxi drivers and chauffeurs: 58 percent native-born
Butchers and meat processors: 63 percent native-born
Grounds maintenance workers: 65 percent native-born
Construction laborers: 65 percent native-born
Porters, bellhops, and concierges: 71 percent native-born
Janitors: 75 percent native-born

There are 93 occupations in which 20 percent or more of workers are immigrants. These high-immigrant occupations are primarily, but not exclusively, lower-wage jobs that require relatively little formal education.

There are 23.6 million natives in these high-immigrant occupations (20 percent or more immigrant). These occupations include 19 percent of all native workers.

Most natives do not face significant job competition from immigrants; however, those who do tend to be less-educated and poorer than those who face relatively little competition from immigrants.

In high-immigrant occupations, 57 percent of natives have no more than a high school education. In occupations that are less than 20 percent immigrant, 35 percent of natives have no more than a high school education. And in occupations that are less than 10 percent immigrant, only 26 percent of natives have no more than a high school education.

In high-immigrant occupations the average wages and salary for natives is one-fourth lower than in occupations that are less than 20 percent immigrant.

Some may believe that natives in high-immigrant occupations are older and that few young natives are willing to do that kind of work. But 33 percent of natives in these occupations are age 30 or younger. In occupations that are less than 20 percent immigrant, 28 percent of natives are 30 or younger.

It is worth remembering that not all high-immigrant occupations are lower-skilled and lower-wage. For example, 44 percent of medical scientists are immigrants, as are 34 percent of software engineers, 27 percent of physicians, and 25 percent of chemists.

It is also worth noting that a number of politically important groups tend to face very little job competition from immigrants. For example, just 10 percent of reporters are immigrants, as are only 6 percent of lawyers and judges and 3 percent of farmers and ranchers.

The data for this analysis are from the public-use file of the combined three-year sample of the American Community Survey (ACS) for 2005 through 2007. This is the first public-use three-year file to be released by the Census Bureau. The public-use file of the ACS is enormous, allowing for detailed analysis by occupation. The sample includes 4.4 million individuals in the civilian non-institutionalized labor force, about 560,000 of whom are immigrants. Persons in the labor force are either working or looking for work. Like almost all the labor force statistics reported by the government, we confine our analysis to civilians 16 years of age and older not in institutions.1 The immigrant population, which can also be referred to as the foreign-born, is defined as persons living in the United States who were not U.S. citizens at birth. In the ACS this includes people who responded to the survey who are naturalized American citizens, legal permanent residents (green card holders), illegal aliens, and people on long-term temporary visas such as students or guest workers. It does not include those born abroad of American parents or those born in outlying territories of the United States, such as Puerto Rico. Prior research indicates that some 90 percent of illegal immigrants respond to the ACS.2


The American economy is dynamic, and it would be a mistake to think that every job taken by an immigrant is a job lost by a native. Many factors impact employment and wages. But it would also be a mistake to assume that dramatically increasing the number of workers in these occupations as a result of immigration policy has no impact on the employment prospects or wages of natives. The data presented here make clear that the often-made argument that immigrants only take jobs Americans don’t want is simply wrong. To talk about the labor market as if there were jobs done entirely or almost entirely by immigrants is not helpful to understanding the potential impact of immigration on American workers. It gives the false impression that the job market is segmented between jobs that are done almost exclusively by immigrants and jobs that are exclusively native. This is clearly not the case.

This analysis focuses on the nation as a whole; the immigrant shares of occupations will vary significantly at the state and local level. But Americans move around the country a great deal. The 2007 ACS showed that about 38 percent of adult natives live outside the state in which they were born. We live in a national economy in which workers can and do move to higher-wage (relative to cost of living) and lower-unemployment areas over time. If immigration levels were lower and a shortage of workers did develop in one part of the country, higher wages and lower unemployment would, over time, tend to induce Americans to move to these areas. Thus in the long term it makes sense to think of the economy as national in scope.3

End Notes

1 Those who are institutionalized live under formally authorized supervision or care such as those in correctional institutions and nursing homes. Since our focus is occupations we also exclude from our analysis the relatively small number of people who did not provide an occupation.

2 The Department of Homeland Security estimates a 10 percent undercount of illegal aliens in Census Bureau data. See Table 2 in Estimates of the Unauthorized Immigrant Population Residing in the United States: January 2007 at DHS estimates of the illegal population are based on the ACS with the assumption that 10 percent of illegal immigrants are missed by the survey.

3 In its 1997 study of immigration’s impact on the labor market, the National Research Council concluded that the effects of immigration are likely to be national in scope and not simply confined to high-immigrant areas of the country. See James P. Smith and Barry Edmonston, eds., The New Americans: Economic, Demographic, and Fiscal Effects of Immigration

Steven A. Camarota, Karen Zeigler
The Center for Immigration Studies is an independent, non-partisan, non-profit research organization founded in 1985. It is the nation's only think tank
devoted exclusively to research and policy analysis of the economic, social, demo


Deportation Numbers Unwrapped
Raw Statistics Reveal the Real Story of ICE Enforcement in Decline

By Jessica Vaughan October 2013

Download a PDF of this Backgrounder

Related Publications: Panel Press Release, Panel Transcript, Panel Video

Jessica M. Vaughan is the Director of Policy Studies at the Center for Immigration Studies.
[Immigration and Customs Enforcement]

A key talking point for proponents of amnesty for illegal aliens is that the Obama administration has made historic improvements to border security and immigration enforcement, leading to “record” numbers of deportations that surpass the performance of earlier administrations. In December 2012, John Morton, then-director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), announced that his agency had removed nearly 410,000 illegal aliens that year. Major news outlets, pro-amnesty lawmakers, and other Obama administration allies heralded this apparent milestone as evidence that the border and illegal immigration were now under control.

On the same day, to far less fanfare, Morton also announced the implementation of new restrictions on how the agents and officers working under him could use their authority to enforce immigration laws. They were told to curtail the use of detainers, or immigration holds, which give ICE officers the opportunity to question and take custody of illegal aliens identified after arrest by a local law enforcement agency. This directive built on an earlier memo, issued in June 2011, which ordered ICE agents not to arrest certain broad categories of illegal aliens, including minor criminals, long-time residents, students, parents, caregivers, and a long list of other excepted categories for whom there was otherwise no statutory basis for special treatment. These and other directives have been euphemistically characterized as “prosecutorial discretion.”

This report examines data from a collection of mostly unpublished internal Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and ICE statistics, to provide an alternative evaluation of the administration’s record on immigration enforcement that is based on raw statistics rather than pre-packaged press kits. These statistics show that, contrary to what is commonly believed, in fact immigration enforcement in the interior has slowed significantly in the last few years. ICE is arresting and removing noticeably fewer illegal aliens from the interior now than was the case five years ago, and even two years ago. Its focus has shifted away from interior enforcement in favor of processing aliens who are apprehended by the Border Patrol.

While the agency claims that it has stewarded resources effectively by guiding agents to hone in on criminals, in fact the number of criminal aliens removed from the interior also has declined, even as ICE’s Enforcement and Removal Operations division (ERO) is notified of more arrested criminal aliens than ever before, through the Secure Communities program. These statistics stand in stark contrast to claims of “record deportations,” which largely have been taken at face value by the news media and many lawmakers.

The report also presents previously unpublished statistics disclosing the startlingly large number of cases on ICE’s post-final-order docket of aliens who have been ordered removed, but who remain living here in defiance of immigration enforcement. These “non-departed” illegal aliens are emblematic of the dysfunction in our immigration system, and must become a priority for enforcement before public trust in our system can be restored.

Key Findings:

The number of deportations resulting from interior enforcement by ICE declined by 19 percent from 2011 to 2012, and is on track to decline another 22 percent in 2013.

In 2012, the year the Obama administration claimed to break enforcement records, more than one-half of removals attributed to ICE were the result of Border Patrol arrests that would never have been counted as a removal in prior years. In 2008, under the Bush administration, only one-third of removals were from Border Patrol arrests.

Total deportations in 2011, the latest year for which complete numbers are available, numbered 715,495 – the lowest level since 1973. The highest number of deportations on record was in 2000, under the Clinton administration, when 1,864,343 aliens were deported.

When claiming record levels of enforcement, the Obama administration appears to count only removals, which are just one form of deportation, and only a partial measure of enforcement. Beginning in 2011, a shift of some of the routine Border Patrol case load to ICE enabled the administration to count an artificially high number of removals.

Homeland Security Investigations (HSI), the division of ICE that is responsible for work site enforcement, combating transnational gangs, overstay enforcement, anti-smuggling and trafficking activity, and busting document and identity theft rings, now contributes very little to immigration enforcement. In 2013 HSI has produced only four percent of ICE deportations, making just a few thousand arrests per year throughout the entire country.

ICE is doing less enforcement with more resources. Despite reporting more encounters in 2013 than 2012, ICE agents pursued deportation of 20 percent fewer aliens this year than last.

Enforcement activity declined in every ICE field office from 2011 to 2013, with the biggest declines in the Atlanta, Salt Lake City, Washington DC/Virginia, and Houston field offices.

Criminal alien arrests declined by 11 percent from 2012 to 2013, despite the completion of the Secure Communities program, which generates more referrals of arrested aliens than ever before. ICE agents took a pass on hundreds of thousands of aliens who were arrested by local authorities in those years.

ICE is carrying a case load of 1.8 million aliens who are either in removal proceedings or have already been ordered removed. Less than two percent are in detention, which is the only proven way to ensure departure.

As of the end of July 2013 there were 872,000 aliens – nearly half of ICE’s total docket – who had been ordered removed but who had not left the country.

The State Department continues to issue tens of thousands of visas annually to citizens of countries that refuse to take back their countrymen who are ordered removed from the United States. Many of these are violent criminals.

The statistics in the tables and charts in this report are taken from internal DHS documents obtained by the Center, including:

a series of reports prepared by the ICE/ERO Statistical Tracking Unit as part of the discovery process for Crane v. Napolitano, the lawsuit brought by ICE agents to challenge the Obama administration’s “prosecutorial discretion” and Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) policies;

two editions of the Weekly Departures and Detention Report covering the same 10-month period of fiscal years 2011-2013 (October 1 to the end of July), prepared by the Statistical Tracking Unit of the ICE Enforcement and Removals Operations division; and

the Yearbook of Immigration Statistics published by DHS.

Total Deportations: Lowest Number Since 1973

Figure 1 shows the total number of expulsions from the United States from 1982 to 2011. This action is commonly known as a “deportation.” In technical immigration law jargon, a deportation is actually just one form of expulsion that is a subset of removals, but for the purposes of this paper, the term deportation refers to all forms of expulsion.1 They are grouped into two broad categories: removals and returns.

These enforcement actions were carried out by agents of the Customs and Border Protection (CBP) and ICE. They include aliens who were caught in the act of entering the country illegally and those who were arrested in the interior. These individuals were apprehended by or referred to agents of Border Patrol, ICE or other DHS component agencies, including: ICE’s Enforcement and Removal Operations (ERO); ICE, Homeland Security Investigations (HSI); CBP Office of Field Operation (CBP-OFO) agents at the ports of entry; officers of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), which adjudicates applications for green cards, work permits, and citizenship; or local law enforcement officers working in partnership with ICE and Border Patrol.

Deportation totals have fluctuated over the last 30 years, peaking in 1986, 2000, and 2004. The all-time record year was 2000, the last year of the Clinton administration. In 2011, the most recent year for which all ICE and CBP totals have been reported, deportations numbered 715,495. This was the lowest year since 1973, when 585,351 deportations were effected.

Figure 1 also shows that the proportion of removals relative to returns has increased significantly since 1997. A removal is a harsher consequence than return, because it bars the deportee from re-entry for a certain number of years and carries the potential for prison time if the deportee re-enters illegally. Aliens who are granted return are not automatically barred from coming back.

Both forms of deportation are used by both the Border Patrol and ICE. As is shown in Table 3 below, about half of the removal cases attributed to ICE are aliens who were apprehended by the Border Patrol and then turned over to ICE for processing. In addition, the Border Patrol and CBP officers handle some removal cases independently of ICE. As for returns, according to the Border Patrol statistics in Table 1, about 40 percent of returns in 2011 were cases that originated as Border Patrol apprehensions, with the other 60 percent completed by ICE and CBP.

[Figure 1]

To support the claim of “record” deportations in 2012, the Obama administration and its supporters cite the 409,000 deportations attributed to ICE that year. This is the highest number of removals credited to ICE in a single year; however, the number is higher because it includes the largest number of Border Patrol cases that ever have been transferred to ICE for processing in a single year (see Table 3). It does not reflect an increase in enforcement activity. In past years, these cases would have been handled by the Border Patrol, and counted in total deportations, but not as removals. Removals are at best half the number of total deportations, and do not represent the entire scope of enforcement actions taken by DHS enforcement agencies.

The President himself confirmed this statistical manipulation in 2011, speaking at a roundtable for Hispanic reporters:

“The statistics are actually a little deceptive because what we’ve been doing is, with the stronger border enforcement, we’ve been apprehending folks at the borders and sending them back. That is counted as a deportation, even though they may have only been held for a day or 48 hours, sent back — that’s counted as a deportation.” he said.2

Border Patrol Metrics: More Consequences for Fewer Cases

Table 1 shows the case disposition, or outcome, for each alien apprehended by the Border Patrol in 2012. Two-thirds of the aliens caught that year were processed as a formal removal – either expedited removal or the reinstatement of a prior order of removal. About one-fifth were granted the more lenient treatment of voluntary return. As shown in Table 2 and the accompanying Figure 2, 2012 (the year of “record” deportations) was the first year ever in which a majority of Border Patrol apprehensions resulted in the formal removal of the alien, as opposed to voluntary return. Historically, the vast majority of aliens apprehended by the Border Patrol were allowed to return rather than face removal. Programs that were set up in 2011 to process more border apprehension cases as formal removals were implemented with the stated purpose of deterring repeated crossing attempts, but had the side benefit of boosting ICE’s removal statistics.3

The other significant trend in the Border Patrol case dispositions is that the number of reinstatements of prior removal orders has increased noticeably over the decade, both in absolute numbers and as a share of the total case load. These are cases of individuals who have been caught and removed on multiple occasions. Once a tiny share of the Border Patrol case load, now about one-fourth of those arrested at the border are processed as reinstatements. This could indicate that the rewards of illegal entry still are believed to outweigh the risk of apprehension, or the consequences of apprehension.

Reinstatements are a significant share of ICE’s interior case dispositions as well. In 2012, more than 40,000 of the removals that resulted from an interior arrest were processed as reinstatements, representing about 24 percent of the interior removal case load.4 Clearly, a large number of previously deported aliens have managed to re-enter illegally and carry on for some time before detection, typically after arrest for another crime or traffic offense.

[Table 1]

[Table 2]

[Figure 2]

Interior Enforcement Metrics: Doing Less with More

Americans understand that immigration enforcement in the interior is vital to the rule of law, preventing illegal employment, public safety, and national security. Experts estimate that about 60 percent of the approximately 11.7 illegal aliens who are residing here originally entered the country by illegally crossing a land border, and about 40 percent were admitted through an official port of entry and overstayed their visa or authorized admission. Most illegal aliens do not live in the border region; they are dispersed throughout the nation. Besides the seven million or so aliens who are working illegally, there are more than one million removable criminal aliens who are at large in U.S. communities as a result of release from jail or prison, or after having re-entered illegally after deportation.5

To address this problem, Congress has provided ICE with increased funding to enforce immigration laws and remove illegal aliens. In 2008, ICE received $5.6 billion and 17,938 full-time equivalent (FTE) positions. This grew to $5.9 billion and 20,271 FTE positions in 2012 – a growth rate of five percent in funding and 13 percent in staff.6 With additional funding, ICE has been able to launch new technology-based initiatives such as the Secure Communities program, which has dramatically increased its ability to locate illegal aliens who have been arrested and/or booked into jail by local officers for local crimes.

The resource and programmatic enhancements did contribute to increases in interior enforcement from 2008 to 2010, but this activity has declined considerably since 2010. As shown in Table 3 and Figure 3, the number of deportations that resulted from interior enforcement by the two primary agencies of ICE (ERO and HSI) declined by 19 percent from 2011 to 2012, and are projected to fall another 22 percent in 2013.

Table 3 also confirms President Obama’s statement that the primary driver of the removal numbers is Border Patrol arrests, not interior enforcement. In 2012, more than half (52%) of deportations were the result of a Border Patrol arrest. In 2008, only 33 percent of deportations were the result of a Border Patrol arrest; at that time most illegal border crossing cases were processed by the Border Patrol rather than transferred to ICE.

These statistics also reveal that under the Obama administration, the resources of HSI, which is the division of ICE that is responsible for work site enforcement, combating transnational gangs, overstay enforcement, anti-smuggling and trafficking activities, and busting document and identity theft rings, have been diverted to other activities. As a result HSI now makes only a negligible contribution to immigration enforcement. In 2008, HSI arrests produced 17 percent of ICE-initiated deportations; in 2013 they are projected to produce only four percent of ICE-initiated deportations.

[Table 3]

[Figure 3]

ICE Metrics Under “Prosecutorial Discretion”

Table 4 presents some of the key metrics for interior immigration enforcement, which come from internal ICE reports that cover the first 10 months of fiscal years 2012 and 2013 (October 1 to the end of July) – the same time period for each year.

These figures provide a more detailed accounting of the drop-off in enforcement activity by ICE/ERO, the division of ICE that is the primary source of interior enforcement. In addition to processing cases referred by other agencies, ERO is responsible for screening aliens who are in jail or prison after committing local crimes, aliens arrested for local offenses such as drunk driving or other traffic offenses, and aliens who have absconded from immigration proceedings. These activities represent the vast majority of current interior enforcement activity.

The first indicator, departures, is the equivalent of deportations (removals plus returns). As of July 2013, ICE had deported nine percent fewer aliens than at the same point in 2012. As discussed above, about half of these deportation cases are aliens apprehended by the Border Patrol.

Departures of criminals have remained nearly constant, but “non-criminal” removals dropped by about 15 percent. In ICE nomenclature, the term “criminal alien” applies to aliens who have been convicted of a felony or misdemeanor. “Non-criminals” includes those with lesser offenses such as traffic infractions, those who admitted to crimes but were not sentenced to jail, those who were not prosecuted, repeat immigration violators, those who skipped out on immigration hearings, those who ignored orders to depart, and a small number of individuals who merely were found to be here illegally or who violated the terms of their legal admission by working or overstaying.
According to the metrics that measure ICE/ERO activity – Encounters, Detainers, Arrests, and Charging Documents Issued7 – interior enforcement has declined to a greater degree than indicated by the Departures metric alone. Even though ICE agents had encountered slightly more aliens at this point in 2013 than in 2012, they pursued deportation of about 20 percent fewer of them compared to the year before.

These metrics again confirm that the recent increase in the number of ICE removals is driven by the increase in Book-Ins from other agencies – namely the Border Patrol – and not by an increase in ICE arrests. In each of the two partial years, the number of Book-Ins (to ICE custody) reported is much larger than the number of detainers, arrests, or charging documents issued by ICE itself. According to these records, ICE took custody of more than 200,000 aliens who were apprehended by another agency (the Border Patrol).

These statistics reveal that ICE pursues deportation for only a fraction of the illegal aliens encountered by its agents. In the period of 2012 studied, ICE issued charging documents for 35 percent of the aliens that were encountered. In the same period in 2013, ICE pursued deportation of 27 percent of the aliens encountered. In other words, over the last two years, ICE has allowed about two-thirds of the aliens encountered or referred to its agents to go free and escape deportation. Considering that these encounters are mostly the result of referrals from local jails and police departments, or due to fingerprint matches after arrest, this should be a serious public safety concern to federal and local lawmakers alike, as well as the public. The restrictions imposed on ICE agents as a result of prosecutorial discretion mandates are allowing literally hundreds of thousands of illegal alien offenders to return to U.S. communities each year in defiance of our laws.

[Table 4]

Enforcement Activity Declined in Every ICE Field Office

Table 5 shows the steep decline in the number of aliens selected by ICE for deportation in each Field Office from 2011 to 2013. The figures show the number of charging documents issued in the first 10 months of each fiscal year (October to July).8

Overall, ICE/ERO initiated deportation for 34 percent fewer aliens in 2013 than the same period in 2011.

The Field Offices that saw the largest declines in the number of aliens put on the path to removal were Atlanta, Salt Lake City, Washington DC/Virginia, and Houston. The smallest declines were in the San Antonio and New York City Field Offices. No Field Office increased the number of aliens charged, even though the Secure Communities program was expanded in most of these jurisdictions over the three-year time period.

[Table 5]

Prosecutorial Discretion Results in Fewer Criminal Alien Arrests

The Obama administration has rationalized its policy of “prosecutorial discretion” and amnesty for certain groups of illegal aliens as necessary to maintain a focus on deporting criminal aliens and those who pose a threat to public safety. Yet the total number of criminal alien arrests also declined by 11 percent from 2012 to 2013, as shown in Table 6, which covers activity for the first 10 months of 2012 and 2013.

The biggest declines in criminal alien arrests occurred in the San Diego, Washington DC/Virginia, Miami, and El Paso field offices. Only three field offices increased criminal alien arrests: Dallas, Philadelphia, and Phoenix.9

[Table 6]

Secure Communities Increases Criminal Alien Referrals
Former ICE Official Dan Cadman Explains
the Secure Communities Program:
View the Full Interview

Some defenders of the administration’s lackluster enforcement record have suggested that the lower ICE interior deportation numbers are the result of better enforcement at the southwest border taking the pressure off of ICE in the interior, plus the implementation of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals amnesty (known as DACA). This explanation is unconvincing. First of all, the Border Patrol reported an increase in apprehensions in 2012, which is generally taken as an indication that illegal crossing attempts (and successful illegal crossings) have increased. A recent study by the Pew Hispanic Center seemed to corroborate the start of a new upward trend in illegal immigration, estimating that the size of the settled illegal alien population is back on the rise.10 Moreover, even if new illegal arrivals had slackened, the population of established illegal residents is still large enough to keep ICE very busy – even if it focused only on the estimated 1.9 million criminal aliens living in the United States.

Moreover, in 2012 ICE completed the implementation of the Secure Communities program, which alerts ICE whenever a non-citizen is arrested and fingerprinted by a law enforcement agency. As shown in Table 7, this initiative generated more than 400,000 referrals of arrested aliens to ICE in 2012. This does not include the large number of criminal aliens who do not have fingerprints on file with DHS who also are discovered by local law enforcement or ICE officers working in jails. With the help of this program, ICE’s interior criminal alien removal numbers should be increasing, not decreasing, especially considering that illegal alien criminals can be removed expeditiously if ICE personnel are encouraged and trained to do so properly.

Yet program data published by ICE indicate that removals generated by Secure Communities are also declining, and are projected to be 17 percent lower in 2013 compared with 2012, even though the number of aliens identified is larger than ever.

[Table 7]

[Figure 4]

Few Dreamers Needed Deferred Action

Some have claimed that the decline in enforcement is to be expected following the implementation of the DACA program. According to former DHS Secretary Janet Napolitano, the program was needed in order to spare hundreds of thousands of long-resident illegal aliens from the threat of deportation, and free up ICE agents to work higher priority cases of criminals and national security threats.

The statistics do not support this claim. Relatively few DACA-eligible illegal aliens actually were facing the threat of deportation. According to ICE records released for Crane v. Napolitano, as of March 30, 2013, more than seven months after the launch of the program, there were 4,594 active cases of illegal aliens on ICE’s docket who were granted deferred action under DACA. These are much too small a share of the case load to have suppressed enforcement to the degree that has occurred. And, as discussed above, the number of criminal removals has declined,not increased, after DACA.

Clearly, the DACA program was neither needed nor intended to save low-risk illegal aliens from deportation, nor to allow ICE to focus on higher priority cases. The obvious purpose of DACA was to provide work permits and legal presence to hundreds of thousands of long-resident illegal aliens under age 31. DACA has had no noticeable effect on ICE’s workload; instead, it has contributed to the “catch and release” nature of immigration enforcement today.11

ICE’s Docket: The Non-Departed

Table 8 is a snapshot of ICE’s case load at the end of July in 2012 and 2013. This table illustrates the enormity of the immigration enforcement case load – more than 1.8 million cases in 2013.

Of these 1.8 million aliens on the path to deportation in 2013, fewer than 30,000 were in detention at any one time, or about 1.7 percent. Those detained the aliens on ICE’s docket who are most likely to actually depart the country.

Just over half of ICE’s daunting docket of cases is made up of individuals who are in proceedings and have not yet been ordered removed (or granted relief). The other half is made up of people who have already been ordered removed – but who are still here. A tiny share (1.5%) of these post-final-order cases are in detention; while awaiting travel documents or acceptance by their home country, but most of them will ultimately be removed.

[Table 8]

The group that should be of greatest concern for policy makers is the enormous number of non-detained, post-final-order cases. These are aliens who have been accorded due process, exhausted appeals, and received a final order of removal, but who remain here in defiance of that order. As of the end of July 2013, there were 872,000 individuals on ICE’s docket in this category. A relatively small share cannot be removed, either because their home country won’t take them back, or because the government there is insufficiently organized to issue travel documents (see below). The vast majority of the 872,000 have simply absconded, skipped out on hearings, and continue to live here as illegal aliens. This number grew by more than 15,000 from 2012 to 2013.

The Impact of Zadvydas v. Davis

Some aliens cannot be removed, or their removal takes a very long time, either because of limitations in bilateral repatriation treaties (as is the case with Cambodia), or because the home country refuses to issue or deliberately slow-walks travel documents for the alien (Cuba and Bangladesh), or because the home country government is dysfunctional (Somalia). In 2001, the Supreme Court ruled in Zadvydas v. Davis that such aliens may not be detained for more than six months if their removal is not imminent, except in certain uncommon circumstances.12

Because of the Zadvydas restrictions, and because DHS and the State Department have declined to follow a statutory mandate to put pressure on recalcitrant countries to take back their citizens, ICE has released more than 17,000 essentially un-removable aliens from detention since 2010 (See Table 9). Most of these aliens are convicted criminals. There is also an unknown number of non-criminal and/or non-detained removable aliens on the docket whose departure is prevented by their home country’s recalcitrance or dysfunction. Some additional unknown number of aliens from these countries are treated as exempt from enforcement under the guidance in the Morton Memo of 2011, and thus simply are not arrested by ICE agents who encounter them.

Meanwhile, the State Department continues to issue and renew tens of thousands of visas for citizens of these countries (See Table 10). For example, in 2012 it took an average of 436 days for the government of Malaysia to issue travel documents to its citizens who were ordered removed from the United States. If any of those aliens were detained, at $120 per day those 436 days of waiting for travel documents cost U.S. taxpayers more than $52,000 per detained Malaysian. In 2012, the State Department issued 47,000 temporary visas to Malaysians, approving 95 percent of all applicants. Even if an unusually high number complied with their visas and returned home, and just three percent overstayed, that would add another 1,400 illegal aliens to the population who are very difficult to remove, even if they commit crimes. This could be why ICE succeeded in deporting only 31 Malaysians in 2012.13

[Table 9]

[Table 10]

Traffic Offenders

Since the implementation of Secure Communities, advocates who are opposed to immigration enforcement have alleged that the program has served as an unfair and overzealous dragnet that results in the deportation of harmless people who have been turned over to ICE as a result of “minor” traffic offenses, such as a broken taillight. Advocates often imply or contend that such traffic stops were baseless, illegitimate, or trumped up in discriminatory practices by local police and sheriffs.

These claims are not supported by ICE records, which are summarized in Table 11.14 In each of the last three years (2011 through 2013), about 14 percent of all aliens deported were identified due to a conviction for a traffic offense, as opposed to a misdemeanor or felony, and numbered between 40,000 and 60,000 in each of those years.

The records show that the majority of traffic offenses committed by these removed aliens were far from minor. Sixty-four percent of the aliens deported after traffic offenses were convicted of driving under the influence of alcohol or drugs. Thousands of others were convicted of hit and run.

It would be a mistake to assume that the nearly 60,000 individuals who were deported in the last four years after being convicted of mere unspecified traffic offenses were somehow unfairly or inappropriately targeted by ICE. All had immigration violations as well and it is possible, even likely, that most of these offenders had either been deported before or had skipped out on hearings.

[Table 11]


The Obama administration has sought to portray its performance on immigration enforcement as smarter, better, and more successful than previous administrations. To support this claim, it has presented a few statistical nuggets in clever packaging that have been artificially padded by transferring cases from the Border Patrol to ICE. To use the proverbial “apples and oranges” analogy, the Obama administration, in order to give the impression of a “record” apple harvest, has counted both apples (ICE cases) and oranges painted to look like apples (Border Patrol cases), while leaving a large number of actual apples on the trees.

A better picture of the true state of immigration enforcement in the interior, where most illegal aliens have settled and where most Americans notice the impact, emerges from this analysis of ICE’s internal statistics and metrics. Interior enforcement activity, including arrests and removals of criminal aliens, which are ICE’s highest priority, has declined significantly. More than 870,000 aliens who have been ordered removed are still living here in defiance of our laws. This dysfunction must be addressed before consideration of more mass amnesties or expansions in admissions of any kind. Until we achieve better control of illegal immigration, and the laws we have are taken seriously and enforced, there is no point in passing new ones.

End Notes

1 For definitions and details on the immigration enforcement process, see Deportation Basics, by W.D. Reasoner: http://


3 One of these programs was the Alien Transfer Exit Program (see

4 Internal ICE statistics obtained for Crane v. Napolitano.

5 ICE statistics cited in

6 DHS Budgets in Brief, 2009 and 2013.

7 Encounters occur when an alien comes into contact with an ICE officer in an official setting, such as in a jail or street operation, or when an ICE agent is notified about an inmate in local custody, such as through a query to the ICE Law Enforcement Support Center.

8 Figures do not include cases generated by the 287(g) programs operating in these districts.

9 The increase in criminal arrests in Phoenix may be due to the cancellation of several 287(g) programs in Arizona. These programs formerly handled a significant share of ICE’s criminal work load before their cancellation in 2012, and following the termination of the programs, the workload shifted back to ICE. See


11 See

12 See for more details.

13 Interestingly, since 2004, Malaysia has been trying to crack down on its own illegal immigration problem. Illegal aliens there reportedly are subject to harsh treatment, including large fines and caning. Amnesty International claims that 10,000 people have been caned in Malaysia for immigration violations.

14 The source of these figures is the set of ICE reports released under discovery in Crane v. Napolitano.
To understand this article view the charts on the link that break down actual deportation.


I believe my article stated that immigrants do not take jobs away from Americans. plus what they make, they spend, and that helps the economy.

7 High deportation figures are misleading on Thu May 08, 2014 10:10 pm


High deportation figures are misleading

Brian Bennett

WASHINGTON — Immigration activists have sharply criticized President Obama for a rising volume of deportations, labeling him the "deporter in chief" and staging large protests that have harmed his standing with some Latinos, a key group of voters for Democrats.

But the portrait of a steadily increasing number of deportations rests on statistics that conceal almost as much as they disclose. A closer examination shows that immigrants living illegally in most of the continental U.S. are less likely to be deported today than before Obama came to office, according to immigration data.

Expulsions of people who are settled and working in the United States have fallen steadily since his first year in office, and are down more than 40% since 2009.

On the other side of the ledger, the number of people deported at or near the border has gone up — primarily as a result of changing who gets counted in the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency's deportation statistics.

The vast majority of those border crossers would not have been treated as formal deportations under most previous administrations. If all removals were tallied, the total sent back to Mexico each year would have been far higher under those previous administrations than it is now.

The shift in who gets tallied helped the administration look tough in its early years but now may be backfiring politically. Immigration advocates plan protests across the country this week around what they say will be the 2 millionth deportation under Obama — a mark expected to be hit in the next few days. And Democratic strategists fret about a decline in Latino voter turnout for this fall's election.

This is news? Obama has been cooking the books since at least early 2012.

at 8:14 PM April 10, 2014

Until recent years, most people caught illegally crossing the southern border were simply bused back into Mexico in what officials called "voluntary returns," but which critics derisively termed "catch and release." Those removals, which during the 1990s reached more 1 million a year, were not counted in Immigration and Customs Enforcement's deportation statistics.

Now, the vast majority of border crossers who are apprehended get fingerprinted and formally deported. The change began during the George W. Bush administration and accelerated under Obama. The policy stemmed in part from a desire to ensure that people who had crossed into the country illegally would have formal charges on their records.

In the Obama years, all of the increase in deportations has involved people picked up within 100 miles of the border, most of whom have just recently crossed over. In 2013, almost two-thirds of deportations were in that category.

At the same time, the administration largely ended immigration roundups at workplaces and shifted investigators into targeting business owners who illegally hired foreign workers.

"If you are a run-of-the-mill immigrant here illegally, your odds of getting deported are close to zero — it's just highly unlikely to happen," John Sandweg, until recently the acting director of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, said in an interview.

Even when immigration officials want to deport someone who already has settled in the country, doing so is "virtually impossible" because of a lengthy backlog in the immigration courts, Sandweg said. Once people who have no prior removals or convictions are placed in deportation proceedings, actually removing them from the country can take six years or more in some jurisdictions, Sandweg said.

Deportations of people apprehended in the interior of the U.S., which the immigration agency defines as more than 100 miles from the border, dropped from 237,941 in Obama's first year to 133,551 in 2013, according to immigration data. Four out of five of those deportees came to the attention of immigration authorities after criminal convictions.

Many of those convictions are related to crossing the border — the other big consequence of the change in the way border removals are handled.

A growing number of people caught trying to cross the border now have a formal deportation order on their records. Entering the country without legal authorization is not a crime. But once a person has been deported, he can be prosecuted if he reenters the country.

The policy of deporting border crossers and then prosecuting people who reenter has increased the number of immigrants charged in federal court. In 1992, immigration offenses accounted for 5% of federal convictions. In the subsequent two decades, the share of immigration cases on the federal docket increased sixfold, according to a study by the Pew Research Center.

In 2012, immigration offenses made up 30% of federal convictions, second only to drug cases, which made up one-third.

The new system has criminalized immigration violations, notes Chris Newman, legal director for the National Day Laborer Organizing Network, based in Los Angeles.

Immigration activists have pressured Obama to use his executive authority to stop deporting immigrants with close family ties in the U.S. and no criminal history other than immigration-related violations.

Deportations at the border can have an impact on families living within the U.S., said Doris Meissner, who headed the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service from 1993 to 2000. An increasing portion of people illegally crossing the border today have lived in the U.S. before and have long-standing links to U.S. communities, she said.

"People trying to get back are increasingly people who have roots in the U.S.," Meissner said.

The administration's move to step up deportations at the border coincided with increased hiring of agents and spending on border security. In 2010, Congress approved a $600-million infusion to add border agents and new surveillance technology. There are now more than 21,000 Border Patrol agents on the border, twice the number of a decade ago.

During the first two years after coming to office, Obama administration officials touted the record-setting deportation figures, hoping that strict enforcement at the border would convince Republicans to come to the negotiating table on immigration reform.

Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano was "crowing" about the increasing deportations, said Marshall Fitz, an immigration expert at the Center for American Progress, a liberal think tank in Washington.

The Homeland Security Department "was patting itself on the back for reaching these record numbers," Fitz said. "I think they thought it was important to show they were very serious about this."

Sandweg, the former acting director of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, rejected the suggestion that political objectives drove deportation policy. By handing detainees over to immigration officials for deportation, rather than processing them directly, Border Patrol agents could spend more time on patrol, he said.

"From Day One we were following a policy that would emphasize public safety and border security," Sandweg said.

But regardless of motivation, the shift had the effect of emphasizing the administration's enforcement efforts, which over time has angered Latino activists and their allies in the U.S. labor movement.

Meanwhile, the change in enforcement does not seem to have placated Republican lawmakers, who are tough opponents of the administration's border policies.

The turn away from deporting immigrants from the interior of the country amounts to an open invitation for people to come to the U.S. on a legal visa and stay, said Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-Ala.).

"It just cannot be the policy of the U.S. that if somebody gets past the border and gets to St. Louis or Memphis or Austin, Texas, or New York, they are not going to be deported," Sessions said. "The administration is systematically failing to enforce immigration law uniformly."


I will cease to debate with you,the facts you don't except. it has been interesting to say the least. all you can show is your dislike of Obama,I would love to know who you would like to see as president. Thanks for the debate. I do not want to being disturbence to the forum. and we always seem to.



Amid U.S. unemployment crisis, illegal aliens sending even more money to Mexico

Wire transfers to Mexico increasing on a monthly basis

July 6, 2012

On Tuesday, the Hispanically Speaking News reported that wire transfers or remittances to Mexico increased by 7.8 percent in May 2012 over the same month in 2011.
More Photos
1 photo

In May, Mexican workers sent home 7,096 transfers, totaling $2.34 billion.

The average size of the remittances also increased over last year by 3.7 percent to $329.21.

Even more impressive, Mexico's central bank reported that the amount of cash received by such transfers increased by 15.32 percent between April and May and this year.

The recent figures are further evidence, that as U.S. workers are being left out of the job market in increasing numbers, illegal aliens are taking the place of their American counterparts.

The Pew Hispanic Center study released in late 2010, which found that while every demographic of native-born workers had lost millions of jobs during this deep recession, foreign-born workers have actually increased their employment numbers.

Between June 2009 and June 2010, immigrants (including illegal aliens) have gained 656,000 jobs, while U.S. born workers lost 1.2 million jobs during that same period.

The Pew study found that 57 percent of those that they refer to as “immigrant” workers, were actually non-citizens.

Remittances, such as Western Union Moneygrams from the United States represent the second largest source of income for Mexico. In 2009, Mexican workers, mostly illegal aliens, sent home $21.2 billion in such transfers.

The transfers are second only to Mexico’s oil industry in the amount of revenue produced, which is one of the chief reasons the Mexican government has no interest in working with U.S. authorities to police our common border.

Furthermore, according to the Inter-American Development Bank, all of Latin America received $69.2 billion in remittances from the U.S. in 2009 alone.

Thus, dispelling the myth that illegal aliens contribute a great deal to our economy. The fact is that the overwhelming amount of the wages earned by illegal aliens is not spent in this country, but simply sent back home.

Looking to capitalize on the growing remittance industry, largely fueled by illegal aliens sending money earned through illegal employment in this country, back home, the U.S. Post Office now offers a wire transfer service, but only to countries in Latin America.

The service, called Dinero Seguro (Sure Money) is being advertised in local post offices with posters showing a Latino family, along with the caption “for your wire transfer of funds back home.”

The following description of the service was taken directly from the official USPS website:

“It’s easy to wire money with Sure Money™ (Dinero Seguro®). Whether you are sending it to a business or to family or friends, all you have to do is visit a participating Post Office* and send your money. It will be transferred in just 15 minutes to a participating branch in the destination country.”

The wire transfers are only available to the following countries:

-Dominican Republic
-El Salvador

The plan allows a sender to transfer up to $2,000 a day to Latin America. The fee to the sender begins at $10 on an amount of up to $750.

When this reporter called the USPS’ toll free number to ask about the specifics of Dinero Seguro, I was mistakenly directed to the Spanish-speaking line. No matter, I pretended to be the owner of a landscape service, with a “large number of undocumented employees.”

Once the operator heard this…Her mood quickly became rosy, and helpful.

I asked if there were any ID requirements for my employees to send their wages back to Mexico and Honduras, and was told in a sullen voice: “Oh, yes, they will.”

However, her mood picked up when I asked if the untraceable and rather laughable Matricula Consular cards distributed by the government of Mexico to this country’s illegal alien population would be accepted. She looked it up, and happily told me that they could be used at the Post Office.

However, the customer service worker was “not certain” which particular branches may offer Spanish translators!


gypsy wrote:I will cease to debate with you,the facts you don't except.
You aren't suppose to be replying to her posts, so yes you will cease to debate with her, No more replies to her posts.




Mark she was replying to me, so I responded. but these debates are not going to change either of our minds, I feel Obama is doing a great job, with all the disrespect he has had to deal with, and a congress who doesn't want him to succeed. imagine if they would work with him, what could be accomplished.they don't want him to succeed, every lie they have said he committed has been debunked, over and over,so yes I will cease to respond to SSC , thought we could be civil,I have gave it my best to be. I will post happy thoughts and such LOL


As you will notice I did not make one comment directly to Gypsy, I was strictly posting links to counter her left wing posts. No arguments, it was easier to post facts than personal opinions. But I am good with not posting anything again to her. I felt she was taunting with all the one sided sites but no problem.


SSC wrote:As you will notice I did not make one comment directly to Gypsy, I was strictly posting links to counter her left wing posts. No arguments, it was easier to post facts than personal opinions. But I am good with not posting anything again to her. I felt she was taunting with all the one sided sites but no problem.
yes you did by asking for a link.and then responding when I gave you the reason I didn't put the complete article, so yes you did respond directly to me. have a good one SSC no hard feeling here. with me. as far as my article I showed more facts ,if one would only read the article.

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